Christian Watson and 'the instinct of self-preservation'.
By Mark Hearn*
The following paper was presented to the 11th Biennal National Conference
of the Australian Historical Association Brisbane 3-7 July 2002.
Christian Watson, leader of the Australian Labor Party 1901-1907,
Prime Minister of Australia 1904, singularly free from
To create an
identity is to create a photo of yourself, to wear an ambiguous
social mask. As Roland Barthes suggests, the portrait photograph
is a process by which a subject becomes an object, although an object
playing an active role of self-creation. (1) For a political leader
a public identity is usually an attempt to match ones ambition
with whom you are expected to be. In John Christian Watson these
categories of desire and duty blurred together. Watson came to so
embody the identity of a Labor leader that when he retired from
the leadership of the Labor Party there was genuine dismay at his
decision, both from within and beyond the labour movement.
Watson is usually remembered for his brief role as the first Labor
Prime Minister in 1904. Watson was however the federal leader of
the Australian Labor Party for a relatively long period, from March
1901 until October 1907. From his earliest involvement in the New
South Wales labour movement Watson displayed a precocious leadership
ability, and a pragmatic sense of the discipline required to develop
the Labor Party as an effective political voice on behalf of the
unions and the working class. (2) As Federal Labor leader Watson
played a significant role in the formulation of Labors objective
- the national vision of harmonious civic life that Labor embraced
- and Labors position on the key policies of immigration restriction
and defence. Watson believed these measures clarified Labors
commitment to establishing a great white democracy,
a white, British-based culture that would flourish as the new Commonwealth
of Australia. (3)
Watsons subjective experience was a crucial element in his
ideal of the Australian nation. His accrued experience as a working
class immigrant, unionist and politician reflected a need for an
acknowledgement of identity and status that found fulfilment in
the new Prime Minister, entered the room and seated himself at
the head of the table. All eyes were riveted on him; he was worth
going miles to see. He had dressed for the part: his Vandyke beard
was exquisitely groomed, his abundant brown hair smoothly brushed.
His raiment was a veritable poem - a superb morning coat and vest,
set off by dark striped trousers beautifully creased and shyly
revealing the kind of socks that young men dream about; and shoes
to match. He was the perfect picture of the statesman, the leader.
So Billy Hughes
described Watsons ceremonial entry to the first cabinet meeting
of the Watson Labor Government of 1904 . Watson explained that he
adopted the restrained formality of the statesmans dress because
he saw no reason to make himself look different from
the men of business and the senior civil servants with whom he would
have to deal. (5) Watson was attracted to assimilation, in
an age that encouraged codes of similarity. Watson, as Labor leader
and Prime Minister, was amongst the men in the public eye,
who ruled the culture of the shearer and the swaggie, whose images
book-ended the photographs of the nations leaders in The Australian
Magazines profile a periodical that claimed a triple-A
status - All About Australians. Australias national
culture had its own code of similarity, expressed through the White
Australia policy and the icon of the rugged bushman.
Narratives take many forms, as Barthes famously observed; any substance
is fit to receive or express our stories. (6) Narrative identity
may be defined as individuals constructing their personal stories,
their sense of self, over time and forging a relationship with the
social world, pursuing claims for justice or recognition of their
needs and aspirations. (7) These narratives need not be conventional,
written discourse; they are exemplary lessons handed down or rehearsed
in a variety of forms. Watsons narrative was certainly expressed
in language, in speeches and articles, but above all Watsons
narrative was expressed in his being - in his behaviour and
in the presentation of an identity before the world. Joyce has stressed
'the centrality of narrative to social life
that social life
is itself storied and that narrative is an ontological
condition of social life. (8) This paper will argue that
Watson constructed a narrative of his life that reflected a dialogue
between himself and the social world, a dialogue of insecurity that
Watson sought to overcome through the practice of his public persona
and through policies that would secure the presence of the white
race in Australia. In 1908 a magazine profile celebrated Watsons
leadership abilities: Watson was singularly free of peculiarities.
(9) In the process of smoothing himself out for the role of Labor
leader, Watson suppressed at least one peculiarity that might have
threatened his apparently seamless progress from typesetter to union
leader, from the backbench of the NSW Parliament to the Prime Ministers
Watsons Face Value
Throughout his life Watson concealed the fact that he was born Johan
Cristian Tanck in Valparaiso, Chile, in 1867. His father, a ships
officer, was a Chilean citizen of German birth; his mother was a
New Zealander of Irish descent. In their recent biography of Watson,
The Man Time Forgot, Grassby and Ordonez highlight this concealment,
although historians have known of Watsons unconventional
genealogy since the publication by Bede Nairn of a note on this
subject in 1967. (10) Watsons father appears to have died
while Watson was only a few months old; by 1869 his mother Martha
had returned with the young John, or Johan, to New Zealand and remarried,
to George Thomas Watson, by trade a miner and by ancestry Irish,
although his family had settled for a time in Scotland before George
emigrated to Australia. John Christian seems to have been readily
assimilated into the family created by Martha and George (they had
nine other children) in Oamaru, in the Otago province in New Zealands
south island. (11) Grassby and Ordonez suggest that Watson
close his secret of Johan Christian Tanck, particularly during
the First World War, when his loyalties may have been questioned.
(12) They extrapolate from this concealment to an overstatement
of the significance of Watsons Chilean background and Australias
links with Chile. Nonetheless there are some aspects of Watsons
birthright that are worth considering, even if they involve a degree
of speculation. Firstly, Watsons parentage posed an obstacle
to his political career. As Jupp observed in a recent article, Watson
might well have been successfully challenged as a member of the
House of Representatives under s.44 of the Australian Constitution,
on the grounds of his dubious nationality non-British
subjects were ineligible to stand as candidates for the Australian
Parliament. (13) This begs two questions: did Watson know the truth
of his parentage, and did he actively seek to obscure public knowledge
of it? I suspect that Watson knew of his real father, and his real
name; but whats interesting about this story is the investment
that Watson and his contemporaries make in Watsons legendary
identity, an investment made in Watsons face value.
In 1902 Watson was the subject of a profile in The Australasian,
and he was obviously interviewed for the article. The article noted
that Watson had been born in Valparaiso while his parents, George
and Martha, had gone on a voyage from New Zealand. He spent the
first few months of his life in South America. (14) This story was
repeated in the Review of Reviews in 1904, not long after
the Watson Government had come to office. Neither article questioned
why a working class miner and his wife would travel to South America
was George offered or seeking work in South America? It is
unlikely that they could have afforded, or would have contemplated,
such an exotic holiday. The Review also claimed that Watson
was a Scot by ancestry, a theme enthusiastically embraced by the
Bulletin in April 1904. (15) Watson was born of Scotch parents
in Chile, and it was greatly reassuring to know that, as Prime Minister
and Treasurer, the public finances of the Commonwealth were in
safe Caledonian hands
The world has a great and well-grounded
faith in Scotchmen in matters of finance. (16)
In 1962 the historian and Bulletin journalist M.H. Ellis published
a recollection of Watson, whom Ellis had known in the last years
before Watsons death in 1941. Of Watsons origins, Ellis
George Thomas Watson, is generally described as a sailor. Chris
Watson was a little off-hand about it when I asked him, but no
meaning could be written into this since he was a stickler for
the old fashioned convention that an Australians home was
his castle and his private life private. But it seems that the
father was an immigrant seaman working his passage to New Zealand
and that Chris was born on April 9, 1867, on the ship in the harbour
of Valparaiso, then a centre of the Newcastle-South American coal
conflicts with the previous accounts of his origins that Watson
had allowed to pass onto the public record. George Thomas Watson
was a miner, not a sailor. Martha met George after her return to
New Zealand, and they were married in Waiporo, in Otago and near
Omarau, in 1869, two years after Johns - or Johans
birth. (18) Ellis was reluctant to pursue the meanings that
might have lay behind Watsons discouraging embrace of old
fashioned convention because Ellis wanted to like Watson and
to take him at face value. Ellis described Watson as six feet
of sound manhood
Honesty was written all over him
the impression of disinterested common sense. (19) Taking
Watson at face value reflected a faith, or a hope, that you could
take good Australians at face value; an investment that
many of his peers made in Chris Watson.
Watson was routinely described as an honest, companionable leader
to whom the Labor caucus members readily deferred. He was a man
of decency and robust common sense. (20) The Worker
claimed Watsons features are undoubtedly those of an
idealist, befitting the youthful leader of a young democracy.
(21) Lone Hand celebrated Watson as a good Australian
possessor of certain personal qualities which were indispensable
at the critical time in the history of his party and of the nation.
Watson embodied a certain identity that appeared to conform to the
explanation offered of that person. Therefore he was unambiguously
that frugal Scot, although the Bulletin did not offer its
readers a shred of evidence to justify its claim of Watsons
financial skills. Watsons legend reflects the ambiguous journeys
of the emigrant part design, part accident, crossing cultures
and the imagined boundaries of identity. The fact that Watson achieved
some vestige of stability as the child of British parents
from Ireland and nominally Scotland - only dramatised the
instability of his birthright, and its rough mix of ethnicity and
geography, destabilised again as a young man by economic circumstance,
propelling his ambiguous identity from New Zealand to Australia.
As Jupp observes, Australia was still a settler society
in the late nineteenth century that is, an unsettled society,
an immigrant culture struggling to define itself and the character
of its people. John Christian Watson would become an interpreter
of this character, both as a model of an ideal citizen and as a
political advocate. (23)
Watson and White Australia
The first principle of the Australian character, as far as Watson
was concerned, was that Australians should all look like each other.
The idea of a White Australia underpinned Australian identity and
was crucial to the survival of the nation, as Watson explained to
the Australian Parliament during the debate on the Barton Governments
Immigration Restriction bill in 1901. Watson claimed that Australians
lay exposed to a real threat of racial contamination
unless the Commonwealth government legislated to introduce uniform,
national restrictions against non-European immigrants. This disease
of illegitimate difference would insidiously creep in and infect
white Australians, imported by that most obnoxious of alien categories,
the heathen chinee, as he belittled Chinese immigrants
Watson cursorily acknowledged that his concerns about immigration
to Australia by Asians, Africans and indeed by Pacific Islanders
were tinged with considerations of an industrial nature,
Labors traditional objection to cheap foreign labour being
imported to undercut Australian wage rates and conditions. However
industrial issues were far from the real concern animating Watsons
fears. The essential question, Watson asserted, was
we would desire that our sisters or our brothers should be married
into any of these races to which we object. If these people are
as we can expect to give us an infusion of blood
that will tend to the raising of our standard of life, and to
the improvement of the race, we should be foolish in the extreme
if we did not exhaust every means of preventing them from coming
to this land, which we have made our own. The racial aspect of
the question, in my opinion, is the larger and more important
one; but the industrial aspect also has to be considered. (24)
to eliminate all ambiguity about Australian national identity by
amending the Immigration Restriction bill to remove the dictation
test provided for in the bill and instead to specifically prohibit
any Asian or African from entering Australia. Despite attracting
the support of a number of opposition Free Trade MPs, and several
government members, Watsons amendment was narrowly defeated.
Watson worried that the dictation test would fail to exclude the
clever alien: the more educated, the worse the threat posed by the
Baboo Hindoo or the cunning Oriental with
his peculiar ideas of social and business morality.
Watson was happy to facilitate the migration of Europeans of an
enterprising character, particularly north European Aryans,
whose historic invasions of the British isles had raised the standard
of the national character. Apparently it was acceptable
to have German blood flowing in your veins. (25)
Watsons seamlessly integrated sense of British-Australianness
was indicated by his response to those who might claim that Australia
had no right to exclude coloured British subjects: The
ground I take is that the natives of India are British subjects
and subjects only, whilst the people of the United Kingdom are citizens
as well, and British subjects in Australia are citizens also. That
constitutes a wide distinction. (26) A distinction that existed
nowhere more powerfully than in Watsons mind, however it might
be buttressed by imperial law. Immigration restriction would preserve
the racial and cultural links between home and the fledgling Commonwealth,
easing the alienation white Australians felt in a remote and threatened
corner of empire.
Attorney-General Alfred Deakin acknowledged that the Immigration
Restriction bill responded to a need to preserve a sense of self
through the nation: We here find ourselves touching the profoundest
instinct of individual or the nation the instinct of self-preservation
for it is nothing less than the national manhood, the national
character, and the national future that are at stake. (27)
Watson shared Deakins intuitive belief that the individual,
the race and the nation had to joined in harmonious union: We
reserve the right to say who shall be citizens. We ask that they
shall be on a moral and physical level with ourselves, and that
they shall be such as we can fraternize with and welcome as brother
citizens of what we hope will some day be a great nation.
In Imagined Communities Benedict Anderson observed the bond between
racial identification and nationalism:
natural there is always something unchosen. In this
way, nation-ness is assimilated to skin-colour, gender, parentage
and birth-era all these things one can not help
because such ties are not chosen, they have about them a halo of
disinterestedness. (29) Watson craved a natural identity.
His own identity was precariously poised at the rim of Australian
identity, from Valparaiso to Oamaru and in threatened Australia
itself. This uncertainty only intensified his desire to make what
Anderson might describe as a natural claim on Australia, this
land, as Watson asserted, we have made our own.
an Australian Sentiment: The 1905 Commonwealth Labor
Watson believed that making Australia our own could only be effectively
achieved by ensuring that the Australian Labor Party pledged, above
all other aims, to cultivate
an Australian sentiment
based upon the maintenance of racial purity. This was the
guiding principle of the objective adopted by Labor in 1905, first
by the NSW Political Labor League conference and subsequently by
Labors Commonwealth conference. Watson moved the adoption
of the objective at both conferences. As chairman of the NSW PLLs
drafting committee Watson seems to have played a significant role
in deciding its language. Watson argued that Australia would only
develop to its fullest extent by the rigid exclusion
of aliens. Once that was accomplished, Australians would receive
the full results of their industry, developing into
an enlightened and self-reliant community. The objective
clarified in the minds of the Labor faithful and the electorate
that Labor had embarked on an historic nation building task, and
that Labor embodied that task. In the NSW PLL debate on the objective
Watson was dismissive of attempts to embrace bolder statements of
socialism or internationalism, insisting that the objective reflect
a politically realistic nationalism. Watson argued that the non-Labor
parties had attempted to pose as the Australian party.
Adoption of the objective would display to the Australian people
identification with the statement pledging
themselves to develop every possibility in Australia to the fullest
extent. (30) The Australian Commonwealth would be an model
before the world of enlightened racial purity, but an insular nation
focused on itself and its own needs.
Watson as Leader
Watson resigned as Federal Labor leader in 1907. The tone of regret
at the loss of Watsons capacity for leadership, and the burden
of that legacy for future Labor leaders, was well-captured by Hops
cartoon in the Bulletin. A rather patronising little boy
instructs Watsons successor as Labor leader, Andrew Fisher,
as they both consider Watsons portrait: Of course you
can never be like him, but be as like him as you are able to be.
(31) Watsons resignation represented in many ways the high
point of his public career; for a moment he was held forward as
an ideal citizen and Labor leader. Watson seemed to understand this
himself, preserving in his papers a range of responses to his resignation,
including over 70 newspaper cuttings on the subject assembled for
him by the Australasian News Cutting Agency. An expression of vanity
perhaps, but an exercise that also reflects an urge to comprehend,
as he made an undoubtedly difficult choice, what the public life
of John Christian Watson had meant to others - and himself. (32)
Watson apparently told M.H. Ellis that he never wanted to lead the
Labor Party or to serve as Prime Minister an unlikely claim
from a senior politician which, in Watsons case, was probably
true. (33) Watson placed a stress not his personal advancement,
but on the achievement of the policies important to him and the
Labor Party compulsory arbitration, white Australia and tariff
protection, as he explained to Parliament in July 1905, as Deakin
resumed office with Labors support: Labor was prepared to
sink any idea of ourselves taking office, as long as the work of
the country was carried on. (34) The Labor identity that Watson
embodied could be blurred into cross-class or cross-political coalitions,
particularly if those coalitions were driven by a concern about
the nation - the category of loyalty and identity that Watson placed
above all others.
as caricatured in the Sydney Worker in February 1905. The
Worker claimed that Watsons features are undoubtedly
those of an idealist.
A Distinct Departure
Watson was active in the Australian National Defence League from
its establishment in 1905. The League attracted a range of mainly
conservative business, political and community leaders in a campaign
to establish a national scheme of compulsory military training for
young men. The League made a direct link between defence and the
maintenance of a White Australia, a theme which Watson took up in
an article for the Leagues journal, The Call, in 1908.
Watson argued that the urgent need to upgrade Australias
defences was highlighted by the menace posed by the awakening
of the East. Australias wide, unpeopled territories must
inevitably prove an attraction to nations confined within boundaries
too small for the natural expansion of their populations.
Watson repeated these racial fears when he successfully led a debate
at Labors 1908 Commonwealth conference to include a specific
commitment to compulsory military training in Labors defence
policy, despite fears of war and militarism expressed by some delegates.
(36) The Leagues promotion of defence was highly successful:
from 1906 all Australias political parties united in support
of the principle of compulsory military training, and in 1910 the
Fisher Labor Government legislated to introduce such a scheme. Fisher
also established the Australian Navy and the Royal Military College
at Duntroon; defence spending trebled in the period 1901-14. (37)
In 1914 Watson reflected on Labors achievements. Writing just
before the outbreak of the First World War, Watson drew together
the threads of White Australia, defence, the working mans
hard won rights - and the responsibilities that flowed from Labors
embrace of a distinctive Australian nationalism:
of compulsory military training as a definite plank of the Labour
Partys programme in 1908 marked a distinct departure from
the traditional policy of Labour and Radical parties elsewhere.
It is true that this change of view was partly brought about by
the peculiarly isolated position of Australia as the white
outpost of the Pacific, but it was also recognised that
in Australia more than elsewhere the working man had something
to defend. His individual property might not amount to much, but
his hard-won rights and glorious opportunities were worth some
sacrifice to retain. (38)
The logic of
compulsory military training was compulsory military service. Watson
emerged as a strong supporter of conscription for overseas duty
in the referendum of October 1916. Watson had been active in the
Universal Service League, the pro-conscription lobby group founded
in September 1915 that, like the Defence League, submerged class
and political rivalries in the name of the nation. (39) Watsons
support for conscription resulted in his expulsion from the Labor
Party in November 1916. (40) He went on to help Hughes and Holman
establish the Nationalist Party. Watson was the inaugural chairman
of the Party that in his mind replaced Labor as the unequivocal
representative of Australian nationalism. (41)
to defend a White Australia also played an insidious part in driving
a wedge between Watson and Labor. Watsons leadership on defence
took on a top-down character, lecturing the working class to accept
a burden of duty rather than responding to working class and Labor
identification with the democratic spirit of voluntary military
service. This disconnection with class interests developed from
the primacy that Watson gave to the defence needs of the nation,
in turn intensified by his concerns about race. White Australia,
which had been so intrinsically linked to the labour movement, contributed
to the slow transformation of Watsons politics from its labor/class
base into empire nationalism. Conscription drew this transformation
into the open.
In his history of the Australian Labor Party Ross McMullin wonders
why Watson, this otherwise
decent, enlightened and usually
tolerant man was moved to passionately racist outbursts in
support of a White Australia. (42) McMullins disappointed
bewilderment reflects the way in which Watsons racism is often
rationalised; its put to one side, as if its an unfortunate
aberration. The ideal of a White Australia stood at the centre of
Watsons political ideology because it fed his instinct for
self-preservation. If racial contamination infected and destroyed
national identity, it would destroy individual identity. Australians
would, Watson feared, no longer be recognisably themselves, or tied
to their cultural roots in the British Isles; they would be adrift
in a world of random and indistinct human categories.
Benedict Anderson observed that it is the magic of nationalism
to turn chance into destiny. (43) By chance Australia became
a site in which Watson might invest an ideal of a new nation. Australia
became the repository of an adaptable, colonial British identity
in which Watson had been reared in New Zealand, and which readily
transferred across the Tasman. Whether or not Watson was troubled
by his German origins, he had to find a way in the world; and what
better way to settle doubts about yourself, or to succeed in the
company of others, than to invite them to become like you, to represent
to others, by your own example, how they should behave as a good
unionist, Labor man or a good nationalist.
Nairn observed that Watson was attracted to the clubbable
atmosphere of Parliament. (44) Watsons instinct for
assimilation and nationalism led him into close association with
non-Labor politicians and other community and business leaders,
both in terms of parliamentary alliances with Deakin and in his
obsessions with race and defence, the defining motifs of his political
ideology. Watsons racial fears, and fears about Australian
security, only stressed the insecurity and fragility of the nationalist
identity craved by Watson and many of his peers. The war subject
Watsons equation of citizen, Labor and the nation to an impossible
test. In search of a secure nation, and a secure Australian identity,
Watson found himself exiled from the movement that he had once personified.
(1) Roland Barthes, Camera Lucida, Vintage London 2000 pp.13-14.
(2) Bede Nairn, J.C. Watson in New South Wales Politics, 1890-1894,
Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, Vol.48 part
(3) J.C. Watson, The Labour Movement, in British
Association for the Advancement of Science, Handbook for New South
Wales, Edward Lee & Co. 1914 p.134.
(4) W. M. Hughes, Policies and Potentates, Angus and Robertson,
Sydney 1950 pp.141-2.
(5) Bulletin, 18 August 1962.
(6) Roland Barthes, Introduction to the Structural Analysis
of Narratives, rpt. In Martin McQuillan (ed.), The Narrative
Reader, Routledge London 2000 p.109.
(7) Peter Poiana, Narrative Identity, Literature
and Aesthetics, Vol. 9 October 1999 pp.99-100; see also Patrick
Joyce, Democratic Subjects, Cambridge University Press 1994,
Introduction; Geoffrey M. White, Histories and Subjectivities,
Ethos, Vol.28 No.4 December 2000.
(8) Joyce, Democratic Subjects, p.153.
(9) ibid., 28 April 1904; Australian Magazine, 1 January
(10) Although Nairn and Grassby and Ordonez have done much to clarify
Watsons genealogy, a definitive identification of Watsons
parentage and date of birth remains elusive, given the lack of a
birth certificate. Grassby & Ordonez claim unfootnoted
that a record of Watsons birth, but apparently
not a birth certificate, is held by the Mormon Church at Santiago.
Grassby and Ordonez, The Man That Time Forgot, p.13; Bede
Nairn, J.C. Watson, A Genealogical Note, Labour History
No.34 May 1978 p.102; Bede Nairn, John Christian Watson,
Australian Dictionary of Biography, Vol.12 Melbourne University
Press 1990 p.400.
(11) Malcolm McKinnon (ed.), New Zealand Historical Atlas,
David Bateman Ltd plates 44-45; Keith Sinclair, A History of
New Zealand, Penguin Books 1985 pp.106-7.
(12) Grassby & Ordonez, p.145.
(13) Under s.44(i) of the Australian Constitution anyone who
under any acknowledgement of allegiance, obedience, or adherence
to a foreign power, or is a subject or entitled to the rights or
privileges of a subject or a citizen of a foreign power
be incapable of being chosen or of sitting as a senator or a member
of the House of Representatives is ineligible to stand as
candidates for the Australian Parliament. James Jupp, Ethnicity,
Race and Sectarianism, in Marian Simms (ed.), 1901: The
Forgotten Election, University of Queensland Press 2001 p.144.
(14) The Australasian, 6 September 1902.
(15) Review of Reviews, 20 May 1904 p.474.
(16) Bulletin, 28 April 1904 pp.8, 17.
(17) Bulletin, 18 August 1962.
(18) Grassby & Ordonez, p.16.
(20) ibid., 28 April 1904; Australian Magazine, 1 January
(21) Worker, 4 February 1905.
(22) Lone Hand, 1 June 1911.
(23) Jupp, Ethnicity, Race and Sectarianism, p.135.
(24) Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates, 6 September 1901
(25) CPD, 7 August 1901 p.3505; 6 September 1901 p.4636.
(26) CPD, 6 September 1901 p.4634.
(27) Initiating the second reading debate on the bill, Barton observed:
self-preservation is the highest law. CPD, 7
August and 12 September 1901 pp. 3506, 4804.
(28) CPD, 25 September 1901, p.5177.
(29) Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, Verso London
(30) Worker, 11 February 1905.
(31) Bulletin, 7 November 1907.
(32) Australasian News Cutting Agency cuttings, MS451/5/93-171,
Watson Papers NLA.
(33) Bulletin, 18 August 1962.
(34) CPD, 27 July 1905 p.236.
(35) The Call, August 1908.
(36) Official Report of the Fourth Commonwealth Political Labor
Conference, July 1908 pp.16-20.
(37) C.M.H. Clark, A History of Australia, Vol.5 Melbourne
University Press 1981 p.325; Lloyd Robson, The First A.I.F.,
Melbourne University Press 1970, p.14.
(38) J.C. Watson, The Labour Movement, pp.136-7.
(39) Universal Service, 15 July 1916 p.7.
(40) NSW PLL Executive to Watson, 4 November 1916; Watson to Paddington
PLL, 13 November 1916, MS45l /1 items 190 & 191 respectively,
Watson Papers NLA.
(41) SMH, 10, 12 January, 24 November 1917.
(42) Ross McMullin, The Light on the Hill, Oxford University
Press 1991 p.47.
(43) Anderson, p.14.
(44) Nairn JC Watson ADB, p.403.
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